The WaPo reports that OPR has recommended John Yoo and Jay Bybee be sanctioned–but not Steven Bradbury. Is that because he was still in charge of OLC when OPR allowed OLC to review the report?

I just happened to find Dougie Feith’s responses to Questions for the Record the Senate Intelligence Committee asked him in 2003. They wanted to know how hos little intelligence shop at DOD–the Policy Counter Terrorism Evaluation Group (PCTEG)–bridged the line between intelligence and policy.

He said his little intelligence shop helped formulate policy on:

Sometimes tectonic shifts are underfoot and society fails to recognize the acts and effects. Such is the case with journalism and its daily outlets, newspapers and television. Newspapers are dying left and right, but it is not just their financial viability that is in freefall, it is their content. The new journalists, like Marcy Wheeler, are filling the void.

Just wanted to point to two tiny details about the “field trip” of the War Council (Addington, Yoo, Haynes, Gonzales, and Rizzo, plus friends) to Gitmo on September 25, 2002.

As John Conyers has suggested, if the Bush Administration destroyed Philip Zelikow’s dissent to Bradbury’s torture memo, it’s a violation of the Presidential Records Act, in addition to–potentially–evidence of criminal intent.

Something stinks about Porter Goss’ claim to have stood against torture in December 2005: Robert Grenier, head of Counterterrorism, was fired a month later for being insufficiently pro-torture.

If Condi had said, “By definition, if it was authorized by the President, it did not violate our obligations in the Convention Against Torture,” to the NYT via anonymous sources, THEN would they consider it news?

People close to Condi Rice and Porter Goss appear to be significant sources for a NYT article adding new data points to the torture narrative. They’re self-serving. But if Condi and Goss want to turn on Cheney, I’ll take it.

The letter DOJ sent a letter to Leonie Brinkema to explain why it had neglected to admit there were torture tapes it didn’t disclose to her during the Moussaoui trial. The whole letter makes a lot more sense if James Mitchell and Bruce Jessen had had the tapes.

Michael Isikoff suggests that John Durham may be focusing on the Moussaoui requests for testimony from Abu Zubaydah and others. That may put CIA knowledge and intent to destroy the tapes much earlier.